<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語(yǔ)Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

          Moon promises change in ROK diplomacy

          By Yue Li | China Daily | Updated: 2017-05-19 07:18
          Share
          Share - WeChat

          Moon Jae-in of the liberal Minjoo Party speaks during a celebration event in Seoul, South Korea, on May 9, 2017. [Photo/Xinhua]

          Newly elected Republic of Korea President Moon Jae-in faces tough choices on regional security, and political and economic reform. In a phone conversation with Moon one day after his victory, President Xi Jinping emphasized the need for both countries to respect each other's major concerns and interests, as well as maintain a healthy, stable bilateral relationship.

          On the deployment of the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense anti-missile system in the ROK, which has hurt bilateral ties, Moon said his government will "proactively" communicate with China while striving to resolve the issue. In fact, the Moon administration has already called for a parliamentary hearing on the deployment of THAAD on ROK soil.

          Moon also sent a delegation to the Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, which met with Xi on the sidelines of the forum.

          Expectations that the Moon administration will adhere to a more balanced diplomacy are high, even though the security dilemma the ROK faces leaves it little choice but to stick to the ROK-US military alliance, which was formed because the United States essentially took over the responsibility of the ROK's national security after the Korean War (1950-53).

          Owing to the lack of an independent and comprehensive defense strategy, Seoul may have to stay under Washington's security umbrella, even if it means becoming a part of the US' "rebalancing to Asia" strategy. It also explains why on many occasions Seoul has spoken of Beijing's intervention and Pyongyang's "self-restraint" in the hope that that would help minimize, if not end, the "nuclear threat" from the DPRK.

          On the domestic front, the need to promote reforms and restore public trust in political institutions after the impeachment and ouster of former president Park Geun-hye, too, should be taken seriously by Moon. Complaints have often been heard in the ROK about the long absence of efficient communication between the leadership and citizens.

          On his campaign trail, Moon promised a less-centralized governing style. His decision to move out of the official presidential residence, or the Blue House, in downtown Seoul where every modern-day ROK president has lived and worked, should be seen as a good sign by those waiting for a change.

          To regain public trust he needs to heed the lessons from the scandals the Park administration was involved in, from her seven-hour silence after the sinking of the passenger ferry Sewol in 2014 to the 2015 agreement between the ROK and Japan on settling their differences over Korean "comfort women" (women and girls forced in sexual slavery by the Japanese army before and during World War II).

          Reviving an economy mired in rising household debt, high youth unemployment and waning conglomerate-led growth is another daunting task for Moon. Last year saw the dramatic collapse of the ROK's largest shipping company, Hanjin Shipping Co, and Samsung Electronics Co's decision to stop the production, sales and replacement of its "exploding" fire-prone Galaxy Note 7 smartphones. This year, there is a risk that employees of Hyundai Motor Co, the country's largest automaker, could go on a strike. And these developments have prompted the International Monetary Fund to forecast the ROK's growth rate at just 2.7 percent, barely half of the average rate for the Asia-Pacific region.

          The veteran politician and former lawyer may have to resort to political reshuffling to make sure his Democratic Party has an overwhelming majority in the national assembly. And the fact that he vowed to reorganize the presidential office after appointing senior secretaries to his office suggests he is moving in that direction.

          On the DPRK nuclear issue and the installation of THAAD, the Moon administration would be wise to seek talks with all parties concerned to properly resolve the issues. In this regard, Moon should be lauded for his consideration to send special envoys to Beijing. All these indicate changes can be expected, especially because Moon seems inclined to play a more active diplomatic role in engaging with Pyongyang.

          The author is a senior researcher at the Pangoal Institution.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1994 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 一本色道久久综合亚洲精品蜜臀| 欧美日韩精品一区二区三区高清视频| 久久久久免费看成人影片| 亚洲日本韩国欧美云霸高清| 台湾佬自拍偷区亚洲综合| 国产人澡人澡澡澡人碰视频| 人摸人人人澡人人超碰手机版| 性色在线视频精品| 国产精品自产拍在线播放| 亚洲国产精品人人做人人爱| 呻吟国产av久久一区二区| 国产精品免费精品自在线观看| 韩国深夜福利视频在线观看| 一本一道久久久a久久久精品91| a男人的天堂久久a毛片| 国产无遮挡性视频免费看| 国产成人一区二区三区免费| av在线网站手机播放| 亚洲avav天堂av在线网毛片| 亚洲av理论在线电影网| 亚洲精品成人7777在线观看| 亚洲一区二区三区小蜜桃| 国产精品中文字幕一二三| 日韩中文字幕亚洲精品| 在线观看亚洲精品国产| 一本久久a久久精品综合| 国产av巨作丝袜秘书| 日韩精品一区二区三区视频| 国产一区二区三区小说| 精品一二三四区在线观看| 日韩人妻无码精品久久| 97av麻豆蜜桃一区二区| 亚洲男人的天堂久久香蕉| 22sihu国产精品视频影视资讯| 国产自产一区二区三区视频| 免费人成在线观看网站| 九九热精品免费在线视频| 亚洲欧美人成网站在线观看看| chinese极品人妻videos| 免费观看a毛片一区二区不卡| 国产美女MM131爽爽爽|