Return engagement

US endeavor to upgrade its South Pacific strategy to exclude China from the region doomed to fail

Following the announcement during the United States-Pacific Island Country Summit that a regional US Agency for International Development mission for the Pacific islands is to be reestablished and based in Fiji, USAID Pacific Islands Mission Director Ryan Washburn arrived in the Fijian capital Suva on Oct 12 to meet with Fijian officials and partners. USAID officials also met with representatives from the Pacific Islands Forum and strengthened coordination with representatives from Australia, New Zealand, the United Kingdom, the Republic of Korea and Japan.

The above moves epitomize the new systematic US South Pacific strategy, reflecting the resolve and immediacy of the Joe Biden administration's commitment to return to the region.

The United States-Pacific Island Country Summit, the first, was held in Washington on Sept 28-29. A joint Declaration on US-Pacific Partnership was issued, in which the US committed $810 million to assist the island countries, including $130 million to address climate change. The US systematically upgraded its South Pacific strategy through the summit with the aim of initiating comprehensive strategic competition with China in the South Pacific. To some extent, this summit marks the US' strategic return to the South Pacific.

Political security issues are the top priority of the US regional strategy. The rapid progress in security cooperation between China and the Solomon Islands has prompted the US to increase its security investments in the region as a matter of urgency. In addition to consolidating existing capabilities, the US will invest in building security capabilities, such as maritime law enforcement and disaster response in the island countries. It hopes to deter China from signing similar agreements with other island countries, solidify a three-dimensional defense and surveillance network, and thus prevent China from breaking through the second island chain.

Climate change is the island countries' top existential challenge and thus is key to enhancing the US regional leadership. The US under-delivered on climate cooperation in the past. Subject to the uncertainty of the domestic political direction within the US after 2024, the Joe Biden administration launched a specific climate cooperation commitment of over $130 million for the island countries. Notably, the US also proposed maintaining maritime baselines and boundaries and advancing ocean mapping projects, politicizing and militarizing climate cooperation to tie up the island interests and pursue exclusive cooperation.

The US is also attempting to reverse the perception that it belittles the economic values of the island countries to prove that its return is genuine. The US is making the South Pacific a priority region to contain the Belt and Road Initiative. It will mobilize the resources under the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment to compete with China for development model dominance and financing rule-making. It has pledged more than $50 million to support the region's economic recovery.

The US is shaping three major grips to contain China. After the summit, the US will rely on the US-Pacific Partnership, the Partners in the Blue Pacific, and the Compact of Free Association to build a network to curb China in the region.

The US established the US-Pacific Partnership and released the first-ever Pacific Partnership Strategy, which comprehensively increased regional diplomatic resources. It is completing its strategic investment in benchmarking and surpassing China-Pacific islands engagement mechanisms, reversing its image and facilitating the mobilization of its systemic advantages on all fronts.

The US has deeply embedded the South Pacific in its "Indo-Pacific strategy". It hosted a high-level meeting of the Partners in the Blue Pacific on the eve of the summit. The Partnership is essentially a replica of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue plus the Australia-UK-US Trilateral Security Partnership, which serves as an Indo-Pacific strategic linkage to coordinate various small multilateral mechanisms. The US aims to contain China in multiple directions and fields and disperse the strategic pressure it faces in the South Pacific.

However, China offers an option different from that of the West and the Chinese modernization development path is enlightening for the island countries to maintain their sovereign independence. China has long been implementing a series of economic and technical cooperation projects in these countries. At the end of 2021, the China-Pacific Island Countries Reserve of Emergency Supplies was officially opened, which was regarded by officials of the island countries as a positive response to their needs in dealing with climate change, natural disasters and the pandemic.

In the economic area, the island countries need strong support from China as they seek to regain their footing after the economic shocks of the pandemic. China has a clear advantage over the US regarding the scale of upfront investment and policy predictability in the climate area. Thus, consolidating China's climate and development cooperation advantages will help the island countries achieve sustainable development.

The island countries will realize that the US is trying to involve them in strategic competition among major powers, in which they will be unable to control the situation. In contrast, China has stated that it will not engage in geopolitical games in the name of cooperation, and is open to countries willing to strengthen normal contacts and cooperation with the island countries. The South Pacific belongs first and foremost to the island countries, and only by sincerely supporting them to address climate change and achieve development and revitalization, can the South Pacific enjoy peace and development.

Yuan Ruichen is a doctoral student of the School of International Studies at Peking University. Zhai Kun is a senior research fellow of the Institute of International and Strategic Studies and a professor of the School of International Studies at Peking University. The authors contributed this article to China Watch, a think tank powered by China Daily. The views do not necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

Contact the editor at editor@chinawatch.cn.