<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

          EU's 'de-risking' policy could become a risk itself

          By YAN SHAOHUA | China Daily | Updated: 2023-10-28 10:08
          Share
          Share - WeChat
          EU flags flutter in front of the European Commission headquarters in Brussels, on Oct 2, 2019. [Photo/Agencies]

          The adoption of a recommendation on critical technology areas for the European Union's economic security, for further risk assessment with EU member states by the European Commission on Oct 3, is seen by many as a concrete move by the EU to "de-risk" its economy from China's.

          The EU has said the recommendation relates to the assessment of technology risk and technology leakage. After being referred to by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in March this year, "de-risking", as a term, has gained in popularity in the EU's policymaking circle, as well as among British politicians. When von der Leyen put forward the idea in a speech on EU-China ties in March, she might not have expected it to become so catchy.

          Over the past few months, there have been intensive discussions on China in the European Union, with "de-risking" finding mention in some of the most important policy documents on China, including the European Economic Security Strategy, German National Security Strategy, and European Council statements.

          "De-risking" is also becoming the preferred term, instead of "decoupling", for US politicians when referring to future Sino-US relations. Other G7 leaders, too, are using the term "de-risking" to describe their countries' future ties with China. Even the latest G7 Summit communique mentions "de-risking". For the EU, "de-risking" seems to have become the new prism through which to look at its relations with China.

          But while everybody is talking about "de-risking", few have paid attention to the risks inherent in the "de-risking" approach itself, because it has psychological, practical and political dimensions.

          At the psychological level, the term "de-risking" carries negative connotations for both Chinese and European people. Since "de-risking" is mainly associated with China, it puts China in an uncomfortable position, giving the Chinese people the impression that their country itself is a risk. It sounds like another form of "China threat" theory which, according to Joseph Nye, Harvard political scientist, could become a self-fulfilling prophecy.

          Although von der Leyen has emphasized that most of the trade between the EU and China does not pose a risk, ordinary people in EU states might not be well aware of that fact. Also when the EU adopts a policy of "de-risking" from China, it will reinforce the negative perception about China, which in turn will force the block to resort to "de-risking" in every decision it makes vis-à-vis China.

          On the practical front, there is a risk of the "de-risking" strategy turning into protectionism and spilling over into areas of common interest. The EU's "de-risking" strategy has been developed in the context of the US aggressively pushing for "decoupling" from China in the tech sector.

          By pursuing a "de-risking" strategy, the EU has been trying to distance itself from the "de-coupling" approach of the United States, because the European bloc thinks it is neither possible nor desirable. Still, the concept remains ambiguous and poorly defined, leaving ample room for interpretation.

          What is the difference between "de-risking" and "de-coupling"? Who defines the "risks", the government or the enterprises? How far will the EU proceed in its pursuit of "de-risking" from China?

          Although the EU claims to have devised its "de-risking" strategy in a targeted way, in practice it could be used as a cover for protectionism, the proposed anti-subsidy investigation by the EU against Chinese EVs being a case in point.

          Obviously, there is a subsidy race in the green industry, with China, the EU and the US all engaged in it, and China appearing more successful in its industrial strategy. In this context, the EU has legitimate concerns, but the EV industry is too important to be subjected to zerosum thinking. The anti-subsidy investigation launched by the EU risks sparking a trade war between China and the EU, which doesn't serve their common goal of green transition.

          Politically speaking, "de-risking", if not managed carefully, could backfire on EU-China relations. Trade has been the cornerstone of EU-China relations. But if the EU does not properly implement its "de-risking" strategy, it could turn into de facto "decoupling", which the EU has been seeking to avoid.

          In defining and implementing the "de-risking" strategy, Germany will certainly be a benchmark for other EU states as it is the largest European economy and has the closest economic relationship with China among all EU states. Therefore, how Germany carries out its "de-risking" strategy will be closely watched by the other EU states as well as China.

          The first test of Germany's "de-risking" agenda will be its attitude toward Chinese telecom giant Huawei. Germany's Interior Ministry is reportedly considering banning Huawei from the country's 5G networks as part of its "de-risking" strategy, ostensibly to reduce its dependence on China. If not properly implemented, this move could exact a huge cost on German telecom operators and delay and/or disrupt the rollout of 5G in Germany, while further undermining the already fragile trust between China and Germany.

          Given Huawei's importance to China's efforts to break through the US' containment policy, a ban on Huawei by Germany would be seen by the Chinese people as a provocative move, a move indicating it supports the US' tech strategy to contain China.

          Moreover, if the strategy of "de-risking" from Huawei extends to other tech sectors and other countries, China would probably be under pressure to take retaliatory action.

          So, how to deal with the risks associated with "de-risking"? There is no easy answer. As a strategy, "de-risking" may continue to be part of the EU's overall trade and economic strategy, especially with regard to China. But the EU should be aware of the psychological, practical and political risks associated with it, and ensure "de-risking" does not become a risk in itself.

          The author is a researcher at the Center for China-Europe Relations, Fudan University.

          The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 黑人玩弄人妻中文在线| 日本三级成人中文字幕乱码| 国产AV无码专区亚洲AWWW| 国产精品99久久久久久宅男| 国语自产少妇精品视频蜜桃| 亚洲av成人区国产精品| 亚洲欧美国产va在线播放| 亚洲综合91社区精品福利| 亚洲国产无套无码av电影| 国产99久久精品一区二区| 最新偷拍一区二区三区| 影音先锋女人AA鲁色资源| 久久天天躁综合夜夜黑人鲁色 | 久久精品国产99久久无毒不卡| 90后极品粉嫩小泬20p| 无码帝国www无码专区色综合 | 边吻奶边挵进去gif动态图| A毛片终身免费观看网站| 97视频精品全国在线观看| 国产午夜福利大片免费看| 国产日韩精品一区二区在线观看播放 | 人妻系列无码专区无码专区 | 亚洲乱妇老熟女爽到高潮的片| 日韩乱码人妻无码中文字幕| 久久精品国产一区二区三| 最新国产精品拍自在线观看| 无码国内精品人妻少妇| 成人乱码一区二区三区四区| 国产成人精品亚洲精品密奴| 亚洲精品美女一区二区| 大又大又粗又硬又爽少妇毛片| 国产黄色免费看| 国产AV无码专区亚洲AV漫画| 把女人弄爽大黄A大片片| 欧美自拍另类欧美综合图区 | 国产乱码一区二区三区免费 | 亚洲国产美国产综合一区| 在线精品亚洲一区二区绿巨人| 国产中文字幕久久黄色片| 中国帅小伙gaysextubevideo| 国产精品中文字幕第一页|