<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / China and the World Roundtable

          It's time Japan faced its war crimes and militarist past

          By Xiang Haoyu | China Daily | Updated: 2025-07-07 07:08
          Share
          Share - WeChat

          The 80th anniversary of the victory in the World Anti-Fascist War and the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression (1931-45) demands commemoration and reflection. For the international community, it symbolizes the hard-won triumph of peace over war and justice over injustice. For Japan, however, it poses a moral question: Will it sever ties with its militarist past and uphold justice or continue to shoulder the burden of denial?

          Japan has never fully reflected on its aggressive acts and war crimes before and during the World Anti-Fascist War (World War II). Right-wing forces have repeatedly downplayed or glorified this history, promoting revisionist narratives that blur public understanding of World War II.

          Japan's official stances have regressed over time, with the watering down of the expressions of remorse — from the 1995 Tomiichi Murayama statement, which explicitly acknowledged Japan's colonial rule and aggression in Asia, to the 2005 Junichiro Koizumi statement and the 2015 Shinzo Abe statement. The three are former prime ministers of Japan. The Murayama statement, with its "profound reflection" and "sincere apology", has even been vilified by right-wing Japanese politicians as a "masochistic historical view".

          This shift stems from the changes in Japan's political landscape. With the collapse of the postwar "conservative versus reformist" divide, conservative parties now dominate the Japanese parliament, while left-wing forces advocating for constitutional protection and historical reflection have weakened. The mainstream political agenda prioritizes amending the Japanese Constitution, remilitarizing the country, and becoming a "normal state".

          Once-vibrant peace groups in Japan have lost influence, and the younger generations, shaped by decades of conservative media manipulation, lack objective knowledge of Japan's militarism. Also, Japan's postwar reflection has been fixated on its victimhood as the target of nuclear bombs in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. And literary and cinematic works project Japan's "tragic narrative", cunningly obscuring the country's aggressive past.

          As the 80th anniversary of victory of the Chinese People's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression approaches, discussions in Japan still center on victimhood, with some media outlets baselessly accusing China and Russia of using "historical cards" in their commemorations. Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba, though relatively clear on historical issues, has abandoned plans for an official statement on the anniversary of the Aug 15, 1945, surrender of Japan in World War II under domestic pressure, highlighting the fragility of progressive historical views.

          Japan's postwar path under its pacifist Constitution facilitated fast-paced development, but recent radical shifts in security policies are eroding this legacy. Japan is deviating from its "exclusively defense-oriented" pledge at an unprecedented speed, with its defense budget reaching 2 percent of GDP. Worse, Japan is developing capabilities for "enemy base strikes", hyping up the rhetoric on "China threat" and "Taiwan contingency", thus signaling its dangerous intentions to intervene in the Taiwan question and the South China Sea issue.

          Japan is also promoting a "one-theater" concept with the United States, Australia and the Philippines, aiming to build an "Asian NATO" as part of a strategy to remove its postwar constraints and reclaim military agency.

          Dubbed "proactive pacifism", this strategy rings hollow given Japan's largest military buildup since World War II. The fundamental contradiction that remains is how can neighbors trust a nation that refuses to face its aggressive past and tries to arm itself to maintain "peace"? Present day Japanese politicians' logic of using "external threats" to justify remilitarization eerily echoes the pre-World War II militarists who invoked "national survival" to justify their expansionist agenda.

          Germany offers a stark contrast in terms of historical reckoning. Postwar German leaders courageously and sincerely atoned for Nazi crimes — from German chancellor Willy Brandt's "Warsaw kneeling" to nationwide war memorials, educational reform, and laws banning Holocaust denial. This thorough break with the past has earned Germany global respect and a central role in European integration. Japan's failure to do the same is glaring.

          Japan stands at a crossroad. One path leads toward revisionism, glorification of aggression and the pursuit of military alliances, which may satisfy some Japanese leaders' political ambitions but risks Japan's moral isolation, subservience to great power games, and heightened tensions with neighbors.

          The other path, modeled on Germany, requires honest reflection on history. For Asian victims to forgive its war crimes, Japan must first realign its historical narrative from the perspective of the real victims. Only then can it shed its historical burden, help heal wounds, and emerge as a responsible, trustworthy nation.

          In this special year, Japan has to make a choice. The Chinese people hope to see Japanese politicians demonstrate political vision and moral courage to seize this historical moment, instead of criticizing or boycotting neighboring countries' memorials. The world is watching.

          The author is a specially appointed research fellow in the Department for Asia-Pacific Studies, China Institute of International Studies. The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

          If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 天天拍夜夜添久久精品大| 久久精品国产一区二区三区| 欧美人人妻人人澡人人尤物| 蜜臀av久久国产午夜| 国产成人一区二区三区视频免费| 另类国产ts人妖合集| 成人无码一区二区三区网站| 国产精品亚洲二区在线看| 亚洲乱码精品中文字幕| 久草国产手机视频在线观看| 国产精品无码a∨麻豆| 欧美牲交a欧美牲交aⅴ免费真| 亚洲欧美国产va在线播放| 国产69精品久久久久99尤物| 国产午夜视频免费观看| 成人性无码专区免费视频| 日韩精品国产二区三区| 亚洲欧洲日产国产最新| 久久这里只精品国产2| 久草网视频在线观看| 国产v亚洲v天堂a无| 亚洲国产另类久久久精品| 成全影院电视剧在线观看| 国产又黄又爽又不遮挡视频| 一本一本久久a久久精品综合| 日韩av一区免费播放| 国产av综合色高清自拍| 中文国产乱码在线人妻一区二区| 思思久久96热在精品不卡| 亚洲综合一区国产精品| 蜜臀av午夜精品福利| 国产免费午夜福利片在线| 国产精品露脸视频观看| 少妇高潮水多太爽了动态图| 亚洲人成网站观看在线观看| 亚洲a免费| 久久综合偷拍视频五月天| 国产免费午夜福利757| 国内精品无码一区二区三区| 国产精品国产三级国产试看| 国产叼嘿视频一区二区三区|