<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / Asia-Pacific Pulse

          Behind diplomatic crisis, Japan's economic slide

          By Dan Steinbock | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2025-12-01 10:42
          Share
          Share - WeChat
          This photo shows the Tokyo Tower and the city view in Tokyo, Japan, Nov 17, 2025. [Photo/Xinhua]

          When Japan's new prime minister Sanae Takaichi took office, she pledged to focus on economic improvement. After her Taiwan comments, new missteps could prove costly to Japan, the region, even the world.

          On October 21, Sanae Takaichi, the president of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), was voted in as the 104th prime minister of Japan; the first woman selected for the nation's highest post.

          Barely a month later, in her first parliamentary address, Takaichi, 64, stated that the Chinese mainland's "use of force on Taiwan" could constitute a "survival-threatening situation" for Japan, implying the possibility of Japan's armed intervention in the Taiwan Strait. That sparked a diplomatic crisis as Japan's relations with China plunged to lowest in years.

          Yet, this crisis has been long in coming. Takaichi needs a geopolitical spat to steer attention away from Japan's secular economic challenges.

          Political slide to hard right

          Instead of a continued partnership with the centrist Komeito party, Takaichi launched her coalition with the center-right Nippon Ishin party. With the end of the 26-year coalition with Komeito, the LDP took a turn to hard right.

          Initially, Takaichi's cabinet enjoyed some of the highest approval ratings (65 percent -85 percent) of any Japanese government in the last two decades, with strong support among young and middle-aged respondents. The Japanese see as the administration's national priority in tackling inflation (84 percent), economic stimulus (64 percent), social security (53 percent) and security (47 percent). Bread and butter issues supersede military issues by far.

          Only a minority of Japanese (17 percent) approved of Hagiuda Koichi, who had previously been involved in a slush fund scandal, being appointed as executive acting secretary general. After Abe's assassination, ties between the LDP and Unification Church came under scrutiny and Hagiuda had intimate ties with the controversial Church.

          Moreover, both Takaichi and Hagiuda are members of the Nippon Kaigi, Japan's largest far-right and ultranationalist non-governmental organization. It seeks to change the postwar Tokyo Tribunal's view of Japanese history, restore the divine status of Japan's emperor and undermine gender equality. It champions official visits to Japanese war criminals' Yasukuni Shrine and denies the forced prostitution of the "comfort women" in World War II.

          Nippon Kaigi has a significant presence in the Japanese parliament and six prime ministers have been its members. The effective goal of Takachi is to mainstream Nippon Kaigi and cement a deeper military partnership with the US.

          Structural economic woes

          Last week, Japan's cabinet approved a $135 billion stimulus package to address rising living costs and boost economic growth by strategic investments in semiconductors and artificial intelligence.

          For months, Takaichi had called for "responsible proactive fiscal policy." However, it is not clear how she plans to balance fiscal prudence with still more spending. In both absolute and relative terms, Japan holds the largest debt burden globally amounting close to $10 trillion; more than double the size of its economy.

          The high debt-to-GDP ratio has not caused a collapse because much of the debt is held by domestic investors and interest rates remain low. While the ratio has been decreasing since the Covid-19 pandemic, Takaichi's stimulus policies could reverse the trend.

          Furthermore, years of fiscal stimulus, social welfare spending, an aging and shrinking population, coupled with stagnation compound the debt burden.

          Japan General Government Gross Debt to GDP (%) Source: Ministry of Finance, Japan

          By increasing national debt, Takaichi's stimulus could lead to higher interest rates and a weaker yen. That would trigger inflation, which could erode the effectiveness of the stimulus, a loss of investor confidence, even capital flight, with negative global spillover effects.

          The LDP's lingering contradiction

          Early signs reflect rising unease in the Japanese markets. These worries are mirrored by rising Japanese government bond yields. Recently, the yield on benchmark 10-year JGBs hit 1.835 percent, the highest since summer 2008. Similarly, the yen briefly softened to 157.90 against the dollar amid fiscal fears and receding expectations for an imminent BOJ rate hike.

          In the Japanese markets, these worries are mirrored by rising Japanese government bond yields. Recently, the yield on benchmark 10-year JGBs hit 1.835 percent, the highest since summer 2008. Similarly, the yen briefly softened to 157.90 against the dollar amid fiscal fears and receding expectations for an imminent BOJ rate hike.

          US dollar / Japanese yen

          Assuming erosion in fiscal and monetary credibility, yen depreciation is likely to foster rising prices. In that case, the effectiveness of the stimulus package could be undermined, which would compel Takaichi cabinet to demand more stimulus – which, in turn, would further penalize medium- to long-term economic and financial market stability.

          This is the basic contradiction that the Abe cabinets managed to contain: the stated effort to achieve sound economic fundamentals versus the nagging need for continuous stimulus packages to revive the stagnant economy. Worse, Takaichi cabinet's starting point is more fragile, as evidenced by the weakening yen.

          As the Takaichi cabinet has stressed the importance for policy coordination with the Bank of Japan (BOJ), the central bank may find it challenging to raise interest rates in December, even despite inflation at 3 percent in October. The "coordination" between the two could contribute to adverse pent-up effects in the coming months.

          Rising inflation is the last thing Takaichi needs. It is the greatest concern of those who elected her.

          Japan's inflation rate
          Source: Ministry of Internal Affairs & Communications, Japan; author

          Takaichi's ultraconservative profile

          Born into a dual-income middle-class family, Takaichi grew of age in a very conservative home. Independent and enterprising, she studied in the university and worked in the US as a congressional fellow for Democratic congresswoman Pat Schroeder.

          Upon return to Japan, she created a career and visibility as a presenter for TV Asahi starting her political career in the early 1990s. Though running as a liberal, she switched to the LDP after election.

          By the early 2010s, Takaichi was championed by the LDP leader Shinzo Abe. To profile her patriotism, she often visited the war criminals' Yasukuni shrine. As a cabinet minister in 2011, she even allowed herself to be photographed with Kazunari Yamada, the leader of Japan's small neo-Nazi party.

          By the mid-decade, she was seen as a promising new LDP leader. But it was only her third leadership bid that made her Japan's first female prime minister.
          To Takaichi, American deterrence is vital to Japan's hard right. That's why she used her recent visit at the US Yokosuka Naval Base to vow to bring the US–Japan alliance into a "golden age."

          Three scenarios

          Today, Takaichi faces three major scenarios.

          Measured de-escalation. In this scenario, she will seek to ease tensions through diplomatic dialogue. Japan is not just heavily reliant on Chinese tourism, seafood exports, and rare earth minerals. Beijing is Tokyo's largest trading partner. In 2024, China's share of Japan's total trade exceeded 20 percent, with 17.6 percent of Japan's exports and 22.5 percent of its imports going to or coming from China. De-escalation would help mitigate the current economic pain. This would likely be supported by the US, which advocates regional stability. Yet, de-escalation is not motivated by Takaichi's ideology, but by Japanese voters' bread-and-butter priorities.

          Protracted instability. The current status quo will linger, marked by underlying tensions and occasional flare-ups, without a full resolution. China would continue its economic pressure, while Takaichi would seize the opportunity to legitimize increased defense spending and closer alignment with the US thus sparking the odds for further escalation in regional confrontation. As the spat broadens, Japan's GDP will take a prolonged hit while adverse spillover concerns surge in the markets.

          Full-blown escalation. A more volatile scenario would mean a further breakdown of diplomatic ties and increased military posturing. Takaichi would take an even more decisive position on Taiwan and commit to military coordination with the US, thus crossing one redline after another. But as Ukraine and Gaza suggest, the Trump White House prefers to regionalize conflicts. Nonetheless, heightened risk of confrontation would cause Japan's GDP to plunge drastically, which would undermine the fiscal stimulus, alienate her voter constituencies, penalize business and investor confidence risking capital flight.

          The next weeks are critical. China's decision to take the spat to the UN forces Takaichi on a diplomatic defense. But new missteps could accelerate both the geopolitical and economic slide.

          Dr Dan Steinbock, an expert of the multipolar world, is the founder of Difference Group and has served at the India, China and America Institute (US), Shanghai Institute for International Studies (China) and the EU Center (Singapore). 

          This is an abbreviated version of the original commentary published by China-US Focus on Nov 28, 2025.

          The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

          If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 亚洲欧美卡通另类丝袜美腿| 给我播放片在线观看| 成全我在线观看免费第二季| 另类 专区 欧美 制服| 日本精品一区二区不卡| 成人免费ā片在线观看| 亚洲精品片911| 亚洲av综合色区在线观看| 不卡在线一区二区三区视频| 亚洲国产成人AⅤ片在线观看| 欧美牲交a欧美牲交aⅴ图片| 国产系列丝袜熟女精品视频 | 亚洲AV永久无码嘿嘿嘿嘿| 国产精品小视频一区二页| 国产免费午夜福利在线播放| 伊人激情av一区二区三区| 亚洲国产欧美一区二区好看电影| 日本高清中文字幕一区二区三区| 中文字幕国产精品日韩| 亚洲av永久无码精品水牛影视| 自拍偷拍一区二区三区四| 亚洲中文字幕日韩精品| 日本久久久免费高清| 亚洲国产初高中生女av| 日本高清视频网站www| 蜜桃视频在线观看网站免费 | 午夜免费福利小电影| 亚洲欧美日韩在线码| 久久精品国产无限资源| 亚洲国产中文字幕在线视频综合| 日本阿v片在线播放免费| 色婷婷亚洲婷婷7月| 亚洲一级毛片免费观看| 亚洲精品一区久久久久一品av| 国产一区二区三区黄色片| 日本一区二区三区视频版| 天天综合色一区二区三区| 国产chinesehdxxxx老太婆| 国产高清小视频一区二区| 国产三级精品三级在线看| 成年在线观看免费人视频 |