<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区

          Turning point in constitutional reform

          Updated: 2014-02-11 07:00

          By Zhou Bajun(HK Edition)

            Print Mail Large Medium  Small

          On Jan 31, the first day of the Year of the Horse, the Secretary for Justice Yuen Kwok-keung discussed the ongoing public consultation on arrangements for the Legislative Council election in 2016 and Chief Executive (CE) election in 2017. Yuen noted that the SAR government had to "hope for the best and prepare for the worst".

          Only two days earlier, on Jan 29, Yuen had written an article titled "Civic Nomination and Nomination by Political Parties" in local Chinese and English newspapers. While the tone of the article was quite mild, it nevertheless stressed that neither civic nomination nor nomination by political parties are consistent with the Basic Law. Yuen reiterated that any proposal that bypasses the Nominating Committee (NC) or undermines its authority will also be inconsistent with the Basic Law.

          We have witnessed a turning point in Hong Kong's recent constitutional development. After almost two months' of consultation, the government had consistently maintained a stance of "impartiality". Even on Jan 20, the Secretary for Constitutional and Mainland Affairs Raymond Tam reiterated that in the next three months of the public consultation, the government "will continue to adopt a very open and listening mode to all sorts of proposals". But as Hong Kong people were enjoying the Lunar New Year festivities, the government suddenly changed its approach - from "not taking any concrete positions on any particular proposal" to expressing views against "civic nomination or nomination by political parties". The government, therefore, ended its stance of "impartiality".

          Why have the authorities made such a big change in their handling of the public consultation? I guess one of the considerations the CE and his team had to make is that if they "continue to adopt a very open and listening mode to all sorts of proposals" they won't have any concrete proposals on the two elections - particularly election of the CE by universal suffrage in 2017. Moreover, after the first stage of the public consultation, the CE might face many difficulties submitting a report to the central government on the so-called five stages on legal procedures for the two elections.

          Turning point in constitutional reform

          In his article, Yuen said: "Civic nomination and nomination by political parties are not the only means to achieve universal suffrage. The community should consider approaching the issue of nomination in a pragmatic manner and in a way consistent with the Basic Law." Despite this, the opposition camp immediately condemned the government. Because of Hong Kong's current political situation, Yuen explained that this was why the government still had to "hope for the best and prepare for the worst".

          Also on the first day of the Year of the Horse, Chief Secretary for Administration Carrie Lam said: "As far as the government is concerned, constitutional development is one of our major priorities. And I hope that we will continue to talk and establish a consensus for us to achieve jointly this common aspiration to have universal suffrage in the selection of the CE in 2017."

          It seems the government is still very determined to overcome any difficulties in adopting universal suffrage. However, after facing irreconcilable differences between the opposition and the "Love Nation, Love Hong Kong" camps, how can the government meet such difficult aspirations?

          Meanwhile, Raymond Tam suggested on local radio that a mechanism might be set up to encourage greater communication between the city's opposition groups and the central government. But Democratic Party Chairwoman Emily Lau said the opposition should talk with the Hong Kong government rather than with the central government. Lau must have forgotten that in 2010 she and her colleagues from the Democratic Party entered the Liaison Office to talk with central government officials to reach a breakthrough on arrangements for two elections in 2012. According to the Basic Law, it is the central government rather than the HKSAR Government that has the final say in the city's constitutional development. If the opposition camp defies the central government now there will be no possibility of reaching a deal on universal suffrage.

          The author is a veteran current affairs commentator.

          (HK Edition 02/11/2014 page9)

          主站蜘蛛池模板: 亚洲国产成人综合熟女| 日本在线 | 中文| 精品中文人妻在线不卡| 99久久国产综合精品成人影院| 久久影院午夜伦手机不四虎卡| 露脸一二三区国语对白| 日韩精品国产二区三区| 免费看的一级毛片| 中文无码热在线视频| 亚洲精品成人网站在线播放| 亚洲一区二区三区高清在线观看| 日韩美少妇大胆一区二区| 67194熟妇在线直接进入| 亚洲精品v欧美精品动漫精品| 国产福利微视频一区二区| 色吊a中文字幕一二三区| 久久久久久久一线毛片| 熟女人妻视频| 97视频精品全国免费观看| 国产一区二区精品尤物| 激情五月天一区二区三区| 91精品一区二区蜜桃| 国产成人高清精品免费5388| 亚洲综合国产激情另类一区| 91精品国产91热久久久久福利| 人妻中出受孕 中文字幕在线| 日韩成人高精品一区二区| 四虎成人精品在永久在线| 国产av亚洲精品ai换脸电影| 日本大胆欧美人术艺术动态| 亚洲伊人精品久视频国产| 中文人成影院| 一区二区三区在线 | 欧洲| 亚洲日韩久久综合中文字幕| 中文字幕在线亚洲精品| 国产成人精品国内自产色| 日本不卡三区| 熟妇人妻av中文字幕老熟妇 | 亚洲国产精品久久久天堂麻豆宅男| 亚洲精品国产字幕久久麻豆| 激情综合色综合啪啪五月|