<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          US EUROPE AFRICA ASIA 中文
          Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

          Lies and exceptions in Manila's case

          By Zhao Yishui & Liu Haiyang (China Daily) Updated: 2016-07-05 07:45

          Lies and exceptions in Manila's case

          File photo of South China Sea. [Photo/Xinhua]

          Since the South China Sea arbitral tribunal, set up on the Philippines' request, issued its first "award" on jurisdiction and admissibility, the lawfare between China, on one side, and the United States with its allies and partners, on the other, has focused on the legality of the tribunal's jurisdiction over the case. After the arbitral tribunal issues its final "award" on July 12, the Sino-US lawfare will change accordingly.

          The US side seems well prepared for this change. Besides massing the South China Sea with its defense forces, the US and its allies have also more strongly demanded that China respect the tribunal's final ruling. This means the Sino-US lawfare will revolve around the legal consequences of the ruling. The conflict, for example, will be on whether the ruling is binding on China or not, its status in international law and whether its non-recognition is equivalent to rejection of international law. These points will be used by the US and China to gain global diplomatic support.

          Generally, an arbitral tribunal's ruling is binding on both parties. But the exception proves the rule. It is fairly generally accepted under international law that the excess of power may be treated as a nullity. That's exactly the position taken by China that the arbitral tribunal exercised jurisdiction ultra vires and any of its decisions have no legal effects. Since these exceptions are known only by a small group of legal experts, the US and its allies claim the arbitration court's ruling is binding on China, while China has to make extra efforts to explain to the international community why the "award" cannot be applied to it. The US and its allies will use this advantage to put pressure on China to abide by the "award".

          Even if we suppose an arbitral "award" is binding on both parties, its enforcement will remain a separate issue. Usually, an arbitration's success depends on the "goodwill" of the parties to implement its ruling. But unlike the legal system of a country, the rulings of internation adjudications cannot force a state party to undergo punishment-rulings of the International Court of Justice is exceptional as Article 94 of the UN Charter says one party may have recourse to the UN Security Council to enforce the ICJ's decision.

          Since the Philippines' case was handled by the 1982 UN Convention on the Law of the Sea Annex VII arbitral tribunal, its decision cannot be enforced by any party. The US, however, could portray the arbitration court's "award" as a verdict of the ICJ to gain global support for its enforcement. Worse, it could use the "award" as a legal excuse to flex its military muscles in the South China Sea, which would contravene the general principle of international law banning the use of force in international relations.

          But will the non-implementation of the "award" be equivalent to contravening international law? Article 38 of the Statute of the ICJ says the sources of international law are international treaties, customs and general principles of law, and judicial decisions can only be used as a subsidiary means to determine the rule of law rather than as an actual source of law. But the US might exploit the disconnection between the informed small group of experts and the general public over this legal fact to say China does not follow international law.

          The fact is, the US is least qualified to criticize China on this point, because it is the only country to use veto in the UN Security Council to prevent the enforcement of an ICJ decision (in the Nicaragua case). But instead of being ashamed of their country's illicit act, many US politicians and scholars are now voicing another lie-that China will violate the rule of law by not recognizing the arbitration court's "award".

          Even the Philippines believes the arbitral tribunal's decision in the Southern Bluefin Tuna case was wrong. Does this mean non-compliance with international law by the Philippines? If not, isn't the US' position a clear sign of double-standard?

          The best approach for China to expose the US' trickery and to win this battle is to tell its side of the story to the international community, that is, explain the general rule versus exceptional rule.

          Zhao Yishui is a research fellow with the South China Sea Institute of Xiamen University, and Liu Haiyang is a research fellow at the Collaborative Innovation Center of South China Sea Studies of Nanjing University.

          Most Viewed Today's Top News
          ...
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 高h喷水荡肉爽文1v1| 少妇被粗大的猛烈进出动视频| 亚洲AV国产福利精品在现观看| 日本久久久久亚洲中字幕| 国产精品一区二区三区黄| 欧美激情综合色综合啪啪五月| 69精品丰满人妻无码视频a片| 亚洲国产精品久久电影欧美| 国产怡春院无码一区二区| 亚洲人成电影网站 久久影视| 国产av无码专区亚洲avjulia| 人妻少妇精品视频专区| 亚洲综合国产一区二区三区| 国产亚洲一级特黄大片在线| 日本三级香港三级三级人妇久| 亚洲欧洲日产国产av无码| 天堂mv在线mv免费mv香蕉| 18+内射| 国产肉丝袜在线观看| 国产网红无码福利在线播放| 国产尤物精品自在拍视频首页| 国产主播一区二区三区| 国产精品免费看久久久| 亚洲av无码第一区二区三区| 亚洲一区在线成人av| 成在人线a免费观看影院| 亚洲第四色在线中文字幕| 成av免费大片黄在线观看| 免费成人网一区二区天堂| 亚洲精品无码高潮喷水A| 亚洲AV日韩精品久久久久| 久久精品国产字幕高潮| 久久精品日日躁夜夜躁| 忘忧草www日本韩国| 性色欲情网站iwww| 无码欧亚熟妇人妻AV在线外遇| 成人精品视频在线观看播放| 怡红院一区二区三区在线| 五月婷网站| 免费国产一区二区不卡| 国内精品久久久久影院网站|