Berlin and Beijing: Charting a course for stability and green growth

As China celebrates the Spring Festival, the first signs of spring are emerging in Europe, mirroring relations between Berlin and Beijing, which are also entering a period of renewal.

German Chancellor Friedrich Merz's first visit to China (Feb 24–27) is not simply ceremonial. It follows his direct exchanges with Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi on the sidelines of the Munich Security Conference on Feb 14 — a meeting that quietly reset the tone of the relationship.

The Munich conversation was notable for its clear and pragmatic approach for bilateral relations. Both sides signalled a commitment to elevating the Sino-German all-round strategic partnership and preparing the next phase of high-level exchanges.

Wang Yi described Germany as a potential "driving force" for China-Europe cooperation, while Merz responded by emphasizing Germany's interest in stable, forward-looking ties with China. The message was simple: neither side sees value in drift or deterioration.

For decades, Sino-German ties have focused less on grand rhetoric and more on practical cooperation. Factories, supply chains, and engineering partnerships formed the backbone of the relationship. In recent years, European policy language has shifted, introducing terms such as "systemic rivalry". Yet on the ground, the economic logic has proven far more resilient than the political vocabulary suggests.

The Munich exchange underscored precisely this point. Economic cooperation was front and center. Wang Yi stressed that China's continued opening-up creates new opportunities for German firms. Merz, for his part, spoke out against protectionism and reiterated Germany's support for open markets and deeper commercial engagement. Businesses have already drawn the same conclusion.

Take the energy transition for instance. Over the past year, Germany imported more than €18 billion in green technologies from China — batteries, solar components, and electric vehicles that are already embedded in Europe's decarbonization plans. Critics sometimes describe these flows as "dependencies", but, in practice, they function as accelerators in Europe. Without Chinese scale and manufacturing capacity, Europe's climate targets would be significantly harder and more expensive to reach.

Trade figures tell a similar story. In 2025, China once again became Germany's largest trading partner, with total bilateral trade reaching €253 billion. At the same time, German investment in China climbed to a four-year high in the first 11 months of the year. German businesses, rarely operate on slogans; their continued engagement reflects a sober judgement that the Chinese market remains too large, too innovative, and too integral to global value chains to ignore.

The Munich meeting also carried important political signals. Wang Yi conveyed Beijing's support for a more strategically autonomous Europe, while Merz reaffirmed Germany's adherence to the One-China policy — two positions that help stabilize expectations on both sides. These are not trivial gestures; they define the political space within which economic cooperation can continue.

Merz's decision, confirmed shortly after Munich, to travel to China before the end of February is therefore no coincidence. It is a direct follow-up to the momentum generated in that conversation. The visit offers an opportunity to translate diplomatic alignment into concrete cooperation.

There is of course also a wider strategic question. Europe has an interest in preserving its own room to maneuver in an increasingly polarized international environment. Beijing, for its part, has signalled that it sees value in a Europe that acts with greater strategic autonomy. That does not eliminate differences, but it creates space for pragmatic alignment on global public goods, from climate governance to the stability of multilateral institutions such as the United Nations.

We are not expecting that the meetings in Beijing this week will resolve every tension — they are not meant to. Their significance lies in reaffirming that — even in a more fragmented geopolitical landscape — cooperation between Germany and China remains possible, necessary, and, ultimately, rational.

The author is Qiushi Chair Professor, School of Public Affairs, Zhejiang University, China & Tan Chin Tuan Foundation Visiting Professor, Nanyang Centre for Public Administration, Nanyang Technological University, Singapore.

The views don't necessarily represent those of China Daily.

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.