<tt id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"><pre id="6hsgl"></pre></pre></tt>
          <nav id="6hsgl"><th id="6hsgl"></th></nav>
          国产免费网站看v片元遮挡,一亚洲一区二区中文字幕,波多野结衣一区二区免费视频,天天色综网,久久综合给合久久狠狠狠,男人的天堂av一二三区,午夜福利看片在线观看,亚洲中文字幕在线无码一区二区
          Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
          Opinion
          Home / Opinion / To the Point

          Diving headlong into disaster: Japan's militarization of the southwestern islands

          By Xu Ying | chinadaily.com.cn | Updated: 2025-12-02 11:20
          Share
          Share - WeChat
          People attend a protest in Okinawa, Japan, May 15, 2022. [Photo/Xinhua]

          Japan's accelerated militarization of the southwestern islands is not a matter of routine policy adjustment; it is a dangerous and destabilizing departure that must be called out with full clarity. To that end, what Tokyo now brands as "defensive modernization" is, in substance and intent, a strategic power projection campaign aimed squarely at the Taiwan Strait and, by extension, at the core interests of China. Moreover, it is a deliberate step toward discarding the post-war constitutional restraints that have underpinned regional peace for nearly eight decades.

          Across Yonaguni, Ishigaki, Miyako, and Okinawa, Japan is building not "defense nodes", but forward-operating bases. The pattern is unmistakable. On Yonaguni island, only about 110 kilometers east of Taiwan, Japan has deployed radar, electronic warfare capabilities, and air-defense systems designed to reach far beyond any notion of self-defense. Plans to introduce long-range missiles, potentially with a range of 1,000 kilometers, reveal the true intention of Japan's new posture: it is about holding vast areas of the East China Sea — including regions near the Chinese mainland — hostage. No serious observer can pretend that these deployments are meant merely to protect tiny local populations. The facts render such claims untenable.

          On Ishigaki island, Tokyo's layered missile units effectively constitute an interdiction grid across the northern approaches of the Taiwan Strait, tightly integrated with US reconnaissance, communications, and targeting systems. This is not the behavior of a country safeguarding its territorial integrity; it is the behavior of a state positioning itself as an operational extension of Washington's “Indo-Pacific” military strategy. Japan is placing itself at the very frontline of a potential conflict — one it cannot control, and one in which it would bear catastrophic consequences.

          Miyako island is being transformed into a logistics and munitions hub capable of supporting F-35B operations, blockade missions, and strike-oriented activities. The Miyako Strait — an essential maritime passage for the PLA Navy — is being treated by Tokyo as a gate it can close at will. Meanwhile, Okinawa is being elevated into the command-and-escalation center of this entire network. The upgrading of the 15th Brigade into a division, with a permanent joint operations command, signals a profound qualitative shift. Japan is preparing for multi-domain operations modeled on US offensive doctrine — not the passive defense posture it continues to claim.

          Tokyo's pretext for this transformation is the so-called "Taiwan contingency". Japanese political leaders are increasingly asserting that any turbulence in the Taiwan Strait automatically triggers a threat to Japan's "survival." This is not a legal argument; it is a political gambit designed to circumvent constitutional limits, justify long-range strike acquisition, and normalize military activism beyond Japan's borders. Acquiring Tomahawk cruise missiles, developing hypersonic weapons, and embedding long-range offensive doctrine into national strategy have nothing to do with self-defense whatsoever. They represent a calculated effort to rewrite Japan's post-war identity through the doorway of the Taiwan question.

          But beneath this newfound bravado lies a strategic vulnerability that Japanese policymakers know but refuse to publicly acknowledge. The southwestern islands have no strategic depth and lie fully within the precision-strike envelope of the PLA. In a real conflict — one Tokyo seems increasingly eager to imagine — these islands would be among the first to suffer. Local communities in Okinawa and across the Ryukyus have said this plainly: militarizing these islands does not protect them; it turns them into prime targets. Yet Tokyo continues to dismiss their concerns in its determination to satisfy the strategic agenda of foreign powers.

          Japan also suffers from a profound credibility deficit. While Tokyo insists on "defensive intent," the operational logic of deploying long-range missiles, forward logistics hubs, and integrated C4ISR systems is unmistakably offensive. These developments evoke memories of the darkest chapters of Asian history. Let's be very clear: Japan cannot expect the region to forget its militaristic past simply because it now uses the vocabulary of "collective security" and "shared values". Words do not erase history, and actions speak much louder.

          From China's perspective, Japan's actions violate the spirit of the China-Japan Treaty of Peace and Friendship and place tremendous strain on bilateral relations. China has responded with restraint and responsibility — strengthening patrols, reinforcing deterrence, and urging Japan not to misjudge the situation. But Beijing has also been unequivocal: any move by Japan that undermines China's sovereignty or threatens regional peace will be met with firm, proportionate, and resolute countermeasures. China's resolve on the Taiwan question is unshakable.

          Japan now stands at a crossroads. It can honor its post-war commitments to peace, stability, and mutual trust, or it can continue down a path of remilitarization under new branding, pushing the region toward confrontation. The militarization of the southwestern islands, coupled with the exaggeration of a "Taiwan contingency", does not enhance security. It increases mistrust, fuels miscalculation, and positions Japan as a destabilizing actor in East Asia.

          For the long-term peace of the region — and for Japan's own credibility — Tokyo must change course. It needs to abandon dangerous illusions of military adventurism, return to dialogue and diplomacy, and stop actions that endanger stability in one of the world's most sensitive geopolitical theaters. Japan must understand: peace is not maintained by provocation, and security is not achieved by repeating the mistakes of history.

          The author is a Beijing-based commentator.

          The views don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily.

          If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

          Most Viewed in 24 Hours
          Top
          BACK TO THE TOP
          English
          Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
          License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

          Registration Number: 130349
          FOLLOW US
          主站蜘蛛池模板: 精品无码视频在线观看| 国产喷白浆精品一区二区| 国产精品高清中文字幕| 日韩不卡一区二区三区四区| 极品人妻少妇一区二区三区| 很黄很色很污18禁免费| 国产高清精品自在线看| 欧美区在线| 精品久久久久久中文字幕大豆网 | 国产高颜值极品嫩模视频| 日韩中文字幕人妻一区| 国产成人亚洲日韩欧美| 人妻丝袜AV中文系列先锋影音| 亚洲精品美女一区二区| 国产仑乱无码内谢| 国产精品成人午夜福利| 亚洲国产成人片在线观看| 久久se精品一区精品二区国产| 久久亚洲AV成人网站玖玖| 久久久免费精品国产色夜| 国产91色综合久久高清| 激情综合网激情国产av| 精品国产免费第一区二区三区日韩| 国产精品99区一区二区三| 视频二区国产精品职场同事| 色偷偷www.8888在线观看| 日本深夜福利在线观看| 国产V片在线播放免费无码 | 国产成人精品亚洲资源| 无码人妻精品一区二| 国产精品国产三级国产试看| 亚洲国产区男人本色vr| 日本中文字幕不卡在线一区二区 | 亚洲一区二区三区啪啪| 福利视频一区二区在线| 国产乱人伦AV在线麻豆A| 国产大片黄在线观看| 成全我在线观看免费第二季| 国产高清在线观看91精品| 精品深夜av无码一区二区| 天美传媒xxxxhd videos3|